Germany's new government is a good example of “the end of ideology”; Richard Wolin tells ILNA

Richard Wolin is an American intellectual historian who writes on 20th Century European philosophy, particularly German philosopher Martin Heidegger and the group of thinkers known collectively as the Frankfurt School. Below is ILNA's interview with this distinguished figure about the new collation government in Germany and the legacy of Angela Merkel.

ILNA: The new government of Germany will be the first triple-party coalition government in this country’s history. Despite the differences in views and opinions between these parties, how do you predict the future performance of this new coalition government? 

Perhaps the new coalition’s major advantage is the extreme weakness of its opponents: above all, the CDU/CSU alliance, which witnessed a 9% drop in comparison with 2017, its worst showing in the postwar period. The result makes clear how the viability of the so-called Union parties was tied to Angela Merkel’s popularity. Their candidate for the chancellorship, Armin Laschet performed poorly; and now the party itself is in a state of unprecedented turmoil.

More generally, the coalition is a good example of “the end of ideology.” With the possible exception of the Greens, none of the coalition members possesses strong ideological convictions. What they have in common is a commitment to pragmatism, a fear of experimentation, and a concern with achieving tangible “results.”

ILNA: Since the cabinet ministers must be chosen from three different political parties, how do you evaluate these selections?

The awarding of the finance ministry to Christian Lindner, the leader of the Free Democrats, was a sober, conservative choice; it reinforces Olaf Scholz’ campaign promise that he will not raise taxes in order to finance social spending. However, this posture might conflict with the Green Party's preference to offset environmental programs through new taxes. Nevertheless, this was one of the primary points on which the Free Democrats and the Greens reached a satisfactory compromise before entering into the coalition last month.

ILNA: Iran and Germany’s approach towards this country is one of the points mentioned in the coalition government agreement document. In your opinion, what will Germany’s approach towards this country and in particular its nuclear deal and JCPOA be? 

Since July, EU leaders have been publicly calling for a return to the JCPOA. Merkel reiterated this summons in October, prior to leaving office. The EU position has been strengthened since Joe Biden’s election to the US presidency last year. Germany explicitly favors a return to the JCPOA, and I don’t see its position changing anytime soon.

ILNA: The new German foreign minister, is the first woman and the first politician from the green party that has taken this role. In your view, how will the great importance of climate condition for the new foreign minister affect the conventional diplomatic matters? 

At one point last spring, Annalena Baerbock, the Green Party candidate was ahead in the polls and seemed to have a decent chance of succeeding Angela Merkel. But in the campaign, her inexperience showed, and her fortunes rapidly sank. Germany has consistently had the strongest Green party in Europe, and environmental concerns remain a high priority, especially in light of the disastrous floods last July in the Rhineland. But the other two parties in the coalition, the Social Democrats and the Free Democrats, are pragmatic and “pro-enterprise.” It will be interesting to see if environmental issues receive more than token acknowledgment.

ILNA: After the 16 years of Angela Merkel’s legacy, how do you evaluate Olaf Scholz's future as the new chancellor of Germany?

Olaf Scholz ran an extremely conservative campaign. He sought to reassure centrist voters that he was not an ideological “socialist” and that he was a trustworthy successor to the extremely popular Angela Merkel. (He had served in Merkel’s cabinet as finance minister.) The German economy, which is traditionally Europe’s strongest – even during the Great Recession of 2008, it seemed to be relatively “crisis-proof” – has some significant challenges ahead: supply chain disruptions, inflation, disruption of the export market. I don’t expect any dramatic policy changes under Scholz’s leadership. Sadly, across Europe, social democracy seems moribund. (The same, of course, can be said about the French Socialist Party, which collapsed in 2017 in the face of Emmanuel Macron’s challenge.)

ILNA:  According to the coalition agreement document, 2% of Germany’s GDP will be allocated to military and weaponry matters. A point which has always been emphasized by NATO. Taking these matters into consideration, how do you assess the future relations between NATO and Germany?

During the last few weeks, Russia has amassed 175,000 troops on the Ukrainian border. Germany fears destabilization in eastern Europe as a result of Russian interference, as do many eastern European nations themselves. For the EU, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2014 remains a troubling precedent. Given Vladimir Putin's animus toward what he perceives as unwarranted Western meddling in Ukraine – an animus that he has backed up with specific and tangible military threats – the new German government has ample reason to maintain its prior commitments to NATO.

Interview by: Ardavan Malekpour

Edited by: Azadeh Keshvardoust